Combining Indicators: Maximizing Returns In Colombia’s Forex Strategies

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Combining Indicators: Maximizing Returns In Colombia’s Forex Strategies

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How to maintain sustainable surveillance in cities: Lessons from 49 Community Index Initiatives across 10 Latin American countries

By Ludger Niemann Ludger Niemann Scilit Preprints.org Google Scholar 1, 2, * and Thomas Hoppe Thomas Hoppe Scilit Preprints.org Google Scholar 2

Soil Restoration Increases Soil Health Across Global Drylands: A Meta‐analysis

Faculty of Public Management, Law and Safety (PLS), The Hague University of Applied Sciences, 2521 The Hague, EN, The Netherlands

Received: April 2, 2021 / Modified: April 29, 2021 / Accepted: April 30, 2021 / Published: May 4, 2021

(This article is in the Special Issue Current Status and Future Perspectives in Smart and Sustainable Urban Development)

Since the 1990s, many countries have seen the emergence of organizations that publish environmental, social and quality of life indicators at the city level to increase public awareness, democracy and sustainable policies. However, many such initiatives are short-lived, and the causes of their success and failure are still poorly studied. Using interviews, surveys, and documentary data, we explored the survival rates, obstacles, and achievements of 49 initiatives in 10 Latin American countries. In contrast to other regions of the world, most initiatives involve civil society stakeholders (especially universities, media and businesses), with the exception of except for governments. The implementation of the people’s perception survey proved to be effective and attracted the attention of the public. Several initiatives have gained recognition and policy influence, these are significant achievements in megacities such as Bogotá, São Paulo and Lima, where many NGOs compete attention. Common obstacles include lack of finance. After a seven-year period (2014–2021), 55% of the initiatives sampled were still active, ranging from 90% in Colombia to none in other countries. Organizational continuity seems to be related to network membership and discontinuity with various obstacles, including political pressure in some countries (e.g. Mexico), scarcity data in poorer countries (e.g., Bolivia) and lack of long-term interest in relatively richer countries (e.g., Chile). The recent increase in socioeconomic inequality is reinforcing the potential of community indicators.

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1. Introduction We made recommendations on adjusting the city development plan, some of which were accepted. However, relations with the city government are somewhat strained due to their poor results in our citizen perception surveys. This makes them very uncomfortable. (Excerpts from Colombia-based index initiative representative; CO#3 informant).

To improve a city’s livability and democratic governance, a strategy that has much appeal in the digital, data-driven age involves tracking the numbers on issues that many people face. Concerned citizens and elected officials [1]: How is our city or neighborhood performing (and compared to others) in relation to air quality standards, air quality City life, spending and crime rate? Organizations that compile and publicly report on local sustainability or welfare indicators periodically are called “urban observatories” or “community indicators”; Consistent with other studies [2], we refer to them as “community indicator initiatives” in this paper. Pioneers like Sustainable Seattle were founded in the 1990s [3] and hundreds of other local projects were in the works by the turn of the millennium [4].

In Bogotá in 1998, the Colombian capital chamber of commerce, a prestigious organization, media company and university came together to form Bogotá Cómo Vamos (“Bogota, how are we” in Spanish? Spain). The core mission of this organization is to publicly report on the city’s quality of life and sustainability on the basis of relevant index data obtained from official sources and supplemented with citizen perception surveys. their people. Inspired by this Colombian model, dozens of similar initiatives have since sprung up across Latin America [5, 6]. Many people have chosen equivalent names (Lima Cómo Vamos, Rio Como Vamos, etc.) or variations that often combine city names and plural first-person pronouns—in Brazil, Nossa São Paulo. (“Our São Paulo” in Portuguese) was founded in 2007 and is modeled on initiatives of the same name in Argentina such as Nuestra Buenos Aires. To exchange experiences and coordinate joint activities, they jointly established the Latin American Network of Fair and Sustainable Cities in 2011, which included, in its heyday, some 60 initiatives. like-minded from 10 countries [7].

Across Latin America, “community indicators” have clearly grown rapidly over the past decade, spurred on by significant investments of time and money by civil society volunteers, organizations private institutions, universities, journalists and entrepreneurs. In some cities, international donors, such as the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), have co-financed the establishment of a “civil society surveillance system” [8]. A quick internet search for key actors shows that Bogotá Cómo Vamos (see www.bogotacomovamos.org (accessed April 1, 2021)) and Colombian sister organizations continue to operate, like Nossa São Paulo (www.nossaopaulo.org.br (accessed April 1, 2021)) and fellow initiatives in Brazil. However, Rio Como Vamos and Nuestra Buenos Aires defunct, the Latin American network shut down in 2016 and in some countries none of the original community indicator initiatives survive.

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The rise (and fall) of community indicators in different countries raises two fundamental questions: What do they achieve? What contextual factors influence their achievement and survival? Various academic studies address the first question and point to a number of positive impacts, including increased public awareness and sustainability-oriented decision-making [4]. In the literature on sustainability indicators in general (including their adoption at the national level, across industries, etc.), scholars have also identified the potential for misuse (eg. : disinformation campaigns) but non-use appears to be a more common risk [9]. Indeed, the failure to achieve long-term use seems to be a common ailment. According to a recent review by Wray, Stevens, and Holden [10] (p. 10), “no different from the story in other areas of volunteering and community activism, efforts in community indicators have been hindered by the short lifespans of many initiatives, oftentimes, this cycle is one of an explosion of investment, enthusiasm, dedication, skills, and resources, a painstaking job to set up initial reputation and reporting system, some minor triumphs of media, community, and perhaps political attention, followed by a series of disappointments in repeated, accelerated or institutional efforts work, and ultimately the decline or disappearance of the initiative”.

In that view, failure over time seems to be the normal fate of indicator projects; Furthermore, unrealistic expectations on the part of implementers seem to be more important than the local or national context or the specific choices each initiative makes in terms of activities and organizational structure. mine. Regarding internal governance, some researchers make specific recommendations. Extrapolating from an Australian case study, Davern et al. [11] (p. 571) acknowledges that “all indicator systems should include these best practices during development and operation”, including provision to “include the combination of balance between representatives of government, business and the community”. The last point is notable because in Latin America, virtually all initiatives operate within reach of governments and have governance arrangements that explicitly exclude elected officials.

It is therefore fair to state that there are both theoretical and empirical reasons for mapping and evaluating community indicator initiatives in Latin America. Theoretically, various assumptions about the effectiveness and “best practice” of community indicators can be tested, especially in relation to regulations on organizational governance. As this article shows, community indicator initiatives vary widely in the number of stakeholders involved, the degree of cooperation with media companies, the reliance on volunteers, the choice of only newspapers, popular methods and other characteristics. Experimentally, the Southern Hemisphere has not been well studied and the selection of more representative case studies is repeatedly called upon by sustainability indicators scholars [12]. Latin American initiatives operate in diverse environments, from smaller towns to the world’s largest cities, in countries with varying levels of public service, primary violence value and access to information law. This offers unique opportunities to open the “context driver black box” [13]. Therefore, in response to the call in the literature for longitudinal comparative methods, this study seeks to answer the following research question:

What design factors and context are involved in the influence and long-term viability of community index initiatives in Latin America?

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