Energy-saving Tips For Bordeaux’s Industrial Sector: Boosting Profits And Sustainability – Reviving a successful past in the north: Narratives of change in the peripheral post-industrial city of Kazani, Finland
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Energy-saving Tips For Bordeaux’s Industrial Sector: Boosting Profits And Sustainability
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Vandalia Tower’s Renovation Showcases Historic Window Styling In Classic Black With Modern Comfort And Energy Efficiency
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France, Eu To Spend 200 Mn Euros On Destroying Excess Wine
Received: 27 February 2020 / Revised: 2 April 2020 / Accepted: 2 April 2020 / Published: 4 April 2020
For several decades, medium-sized industrial towns have suffered from a combination of economic and political processes: industrialization, urbanization and the withdrawal of public services. After two decades of being somewhat neglected (in favor of metropolitan areas), state and European public policies have recently targeted them. Medium-sized cities are not homogeneous and have many trajectories. Based on a quantitative approach in France, we highlight the different socio-economic dynamics of French medium-sized industrial towns. Thus, far from widespread decline or shrinking dynamics, some of these cities are experiencing economic recovery. This is the case of Romans-sur-Isère, a medium-sized town in the southeast of France. Focusing our qualitative analysis on this city, we seek to understand this kind of process. In this medium-sized town, the former capital of the shoe industry, local stakeholders, both private and public, seek to support productive recovery. The results of our case study highlight the role of cooperation, spatial and institutional proximity, and social innovation in the revival of the productive economy in medium-sized industrial cities. We argue that although the economic situation is difficult for many medium-sized cities in France, as in Europe, they can have a productive future and eventually reap the benefits of their “medium-sized” characteristics.
The Yellow West movement in France, Brexit in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald Trump in the USA have opened a debate on the geographical division between metropolises and peripheries, rural areas or small and medium towns. Although the interpretation of this movement and these votes was more than spatial [1, 2, 3, 4], it highlighted the important issue of spatial disparities. Indeed, in industrialized countries, the combination of positive metropolitan economic dynamics and the evolution of regional planning approaches raises the question of the future of non-metropolitan areas and of medium-sized cities among them. Despite the interest, this question has rarely been addressed, especially regarding economic and productive futures [5, 6, 7]. European small and medium-sized industrial towns are clearly overlooked [8]. Over several decades, most of these towns have suffered from a combination of economic and political processes: industrialization, urbanization and the withdrawal of public services. In this context, when they study, it is often in terms of planning with contraction, commercial or public service decline [9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14]. It is interesting to highlight that although they have historically been administrative and industrial centers and their importance to national urban systems, dominant narratives do not make them potential 21st-century manufacturing or innovation centers.
In this context, this paper aims to question the productive recovery of medium-sized industrial towns in the case of France. Given the current economic and political climate, we assume that their leverage and assets are different from those of metropolitan areas, but they are still real. Our results show the importance of three drivers of productivity recovery: cooperation, spatial proximity and social innovation.
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To do so, the next section highlights French characteristics of medium-sized industrial towns, particularly in terms of urban and regional approaches to them. This French context echoes many recent European polities, revealing a significant turning point and not least in the problems of their return. Section 3 presents our methodology based on two main steps: an overview of the socio-economic dynamics of medium-sized industrial towns and a focus on a case study, Romans-sur-Isère. We present our results in Section 4. Since 1975, we show that there are different dynamics and trajectories of French medium-sized industrial towns. Next to declining cities, there are booming cities. To explain this situation and to proceed to answer our question, we develop the trajectory of Romans-sur-Isère in the southeast of the country. Formerly the international capital of luxury footwear, after a socio-economic crisis, this medium-sized town is being revitalized by local stakeholder action. They were able to mobilize locally available resources and combine them with national policies to promote productive recovery. Then, the debate established the central role of stakeholder collaboration facilitated by proximity and social innovation as a driver of productive recovery for Romans-sur-Isère, joining recent European studies. We conclude by reflecting on medium-size as a new asset and offer some tools for public policies outside of France based on our results.
In recent decades, research in urban studies and regional science has better analyzed the concentration of people and activities and its economic and spatial consequences [15]. Although the manufacturing economy appears to be concentrated in metropolises, the manufacturing function of medium-sized towns is of little interest to researchers or policy makers and is often denied [16]. Considering this global context, in this section, we present the economic situation of French medium-sized industrial towns and public policies towards them.
Before starting, we should note that in France, the concept of a medium-sized city does not correspond to an institutional division and is poorly defined. However, it is generally considered a city with a population of 20,000 to 100,000 people.
Since the 1970s, the deindustrialization process has especially weakened medium-sized industrial towns because of their consequences in terms of manufacturing, factory closures, and job losses. They suffered from long-inherited dependence on productive activities, which were centered around a small number of activities and production units and linked to their subordinate position in the spatial division of labor (though with few cognitive and design functions). These functions are evolving). The decline of industrial activity, once a source of pride and energy for some towns, has had a cumulative, downward effect, leading to widespread revolts. The diversity of local economies in industrialized countries has been the subject of many studies, such as in Britain [17] or within the Rust Belt [18, 19], but globally, other cities with an industrial past have recorded poorer economic performance. According to the following quote from others [20] (p. 9): “Historically industrial (especially manufacturing) small and medium-sized towns have faced more unemployment problems in the past decade due to global competition. Moreover, industrial activity has been associated with poorer job growth as a higher proportion of employment in industrial activities Cities that rely on employment face a troubled future.
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Although medium-sized industrial towns are not the only areas undergoing these changes [13], as large cities are also suffering [21], in France, there are also economic and political processes common to all small and medium-sized cities, viz. , decentralization, urbanization, increased mobility and withdrawal of many public services and facilities [14, 22]. Some of them are also marked demographically by the decrease of their population [10] as in other countries [23, 24, 25]. This well-known phenomenon of shrinking cities is an important and evolving topic, especially in terms of planning [24, 26, 27]. Not all of them have an industrial history, so the discussion of shrinking cities is only a small part of our subject. However, we should highlight that policies towards them are often development-oriented, especially through strategies based on population attraction and habitat development [ 24 , 27 ]. In line with our problem, in France, as in other regions, the number of alternative strategies, e.g., optimally sized ones [27, 28, 29] or strategies based on endogenous resources, is small.
For some, the consequence of this downgrading is that electoral geography, particularly the popular vote, as elsewhere,
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