“exclusions And Limitations In Australian Travel Insurance Policies: What To Watch Out For” – Health and Social Service Barriers of Undocumented Female Migrant Workers and Their Undocumented Children at Risk in Taiwan: An Exploratory Study from Stakeholder Perspectives

Correction: Javed et al. The Potential Effects of Smoking Spells on Human Health Amidst the Outbreak of COVID-19. Int. J. Environment. Res. Public Health 2021, 18, 11408

“exclusions And Limitations In Australian Travel Insurance Policies: What To Watch Out For”

The Impact of Health Transitions on the Long-Term Settlement of International Migrants in New Non-Settlement Countries: Evidence from Yiwu City, China

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Exclusion or Inclusion: Different National Immigrant Employment Laws, Social Protection, and Immigration Policies in East Asia – Examples of South Korea and Taiwan

By Yoon Kyung Kwak Yoon Kyung Kwak Scilit Preprints.org Google Scholar 1 and Ming Sheng Wang Ming Sheng Wang Scilit Preprints.org Google Scholar 2, *

Received: 14 October 2022 / Revised: 16 November 2022 / Accepted: 25 November 2022 / Published: 5 December 2022

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Low fertility rates and an aging population, growing long-term care needs, and workforce shortages in the professions, industries, and care are emerging issues in South Korea and Taiwan. Both governments pursued economic/industrial growth as productive welfare capitalism and enacted preferential immigration policies to recruit white migrant workers (MWs) as mobile elites, but also adopted rules and restrictions on MW- blue collar workers through unfree labor relations, precarious work, and temporary legal status to provide additional workers. In order to show how many national political regulations affect the protection of workers of MWs in host countries, which in turn affects the activity of MWs, this article presents the growing trends of international MWs, without regardless of whether they are high- or low-skilled MWs, and evaluates four aspects of labor migration policies—MWs’ work and employment conditions, social protection, union rights and political participation, and access to permanent residency in both countries. We found that the rights and working conditions of low-skilled MWs in Korea and Taiwan are gradually improving, but still lag behind those of high-skilled MWs which also affects their health and public well-being. The key difference identified here is that MWs in Taiwan can organize trade unions, which is strictly prohibited in Korea; Pension protection also varies between nations. In addition, applying for permanent residence is easier for highly skilled migrant workers compared to low-skilled MWs and both Korean and Taiwanese immigration policies differentiate the entry and residency status of skilled and unskilled MWs. which have different origins. The political recommendations of the two countries were also discussed.

Exploring the complex and dynamic phenomenon of migration, a classic review and evaluation of international migration theories by Massey et al. (1993) detailed neoclassical economics (e.g., micro vs. macro), new economics, the two-dimensional labor market, linkage theory, institutional theory, cumulative causality, and the theory of migration processes [1], as an integrated interpretation. which is migration and im/movement mobility from the perspective of migration [2, 3]. Regardless of whether they are from the micro-, meso-, eso- or macro-level, or exploring the experiences of sending and receiving countries, their structural issues/systems or integration policies, determinants social impact on personal issues of international migration and MWs Health, well-being, and future cannot be neglected. Scholars have argued that it is important to highlight the patterns of power in migration, welfare work, and security chains in order to understand power relations in international flows and movements, as well as the arrival/movement of international processes, especially regarding political autonomy. at the state-led level [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9]. In other words, (1) push factors (such as poor living conditions and low job opportunities) from sending countries, (2) pull factors (such as high wages) from receiving countries, (3) social . – the economic/political structure that connects the sending and receiving countries, and (4) the will and motivation of people reacting to the structural factors of migration, are the four central factors of migration. international [1, 8]; however, it should also include the process or cycle or stability of migration in the countries of origin and host, as well as the willingness of the actors who respond to the same forces to stay, escape, control / control, or met with deportation [3, 5, 8].

The conceptual framework of our research was developed from previous research on migration [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8]. Cross-border migration is influenced by multi-level factors, including individual MW, family, networks, local agents, and socio-economic/political developments in sending countries and national regulations in receiving countries [4 , 5]. After arrival in host countries, employment protection (such as working conditions and wages) is again highly dependent on MWs’ personal issues and is influenced by host countries’ integration policies, which also affect MWs’ equality. current health and well-being as well as care for their future [5]. Therefore, in contrast to the research that focuses on the individual wishes of MWs and the mobility capacity of the sending countries, this article focuses more on how the national regulations of the host countries have an impact on one of them. becoming highly skilled and excluding low-skilled MWs separately, which in turn affects MWs im/mobilities as in figure 1 the right red circle shows [6, 7, 8].

In addition, the regulation/legislation of labor and migration policies for migrant workers, as well as the classification of high-skilled/white-collar/professional and low-skilled/blue-collar MWs, are closely linked to the development of the sending economy. countries and host countries with political autonomy and ideas behind the recruitment of so-called “meats” and “additional workers” [9, 10, 11]. International migration, with its frequent and frequent movements, is significantly related to economic insecurity and socio-economic status of im/movers, especially those of low-skilled MWs in sending countries [4, 5 , 12, 13]. The importation, regulation, and classification of MWs reflect the intensity of receiving governments and concerns about national economic growth and domestic industry competitiveness rather than the working conditions and social rights of MWs [14, 15, 16, 17]. Therefore, nations set more laws on the employment/employment of MWs and immigration/nationality restrictions. This is especially the case in East Asia which is characterized as growth/productivity, capitalism/management that emphasizes industrial/economic growth as a primary goal [17, 18].

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South Korea (later Korea) and Taiwan were two of the Four Little Dragons, which experienced rapid industrialization and sustained high growth rates between the early 1960s and the 1990s. In the process of transforming traditional industries into high-tech industries and service sectors, both Korean and Taiwanese societies have not only developed their economies but also changed the structure of their labor markets. One of the key changes in their labor markets is the growth of foreign migrant workers (MWs), especially low-skilled migrant workers in both countries. In particular, the wages of working at home increased, local people began to be reluctant to work in 3D (ie, dirty, difficult, and dangerous) low-paying jobs, such as large construction projects [19, 20, 21]. That is why the construction and manufacturing industries have no choice but to look for alternatives to fill the labor shortage, and as a result, the demand for low-skilled MWs has increased dramatically. In this way, both countries have changed from being labor-sending countries to labor-receiving countries. In recent years, faced with the rise of modern industry and the service sector, both the governments of Korea and Taiwan have also attracted highly skilled MWs, to increase their national competitiveness and adapt to the knowledge society. based on the coming years. 9, 22].

International comparative data on migrant workers is not standardized or available, and most of the data presented in this article comes from different national sources. Data from annual government statistics, secondary literature, policy analysis and international comparative studies were combined. In particular, we analyze related policies

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