“the Growth Of Wind Power In Europe’s Electricity Landscape” – The World Wind Energy Association WWEA has collected statistics on new wind power installations in the first six months of 2022. Based on a survey of WWEA’s member associations from around the world, WWEA was able to publish an estimate of the worldwide installations as of now and a forecast for the end of 2022
While 27.6 Gigawatts were added in the first half of 2021, the world installed 28.9 Gigawatts in the same period of 2022. This is equal to an annual growth rate of 13%, when the total installed capacity at the end of June 2022 and at the end of June 2021. With this, the global installed capacity in June 2022 stood at 874 Gigawatts.
“the Growth Of Wind Power In Europe’s Electricity Landscape”
Additional momentum is expected in the second half of 2022. As a result and based on the estimates of our members, WWEA expects a total new capacity addition of at least 110 Gigawatts throughout the year 2022, which would represent a new all-time record, after 100 Gigawatts in 2021.
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With this, the worldwide installed wind capacity will reach more than 955 Gigawatts by the end of 2022 and cross the threshold of 1 million Megawatts in the middle of 2023.
China will again represent the lion’s share with an expected installed capacity of 60 Gigawatts. Strong growth is also expected in other markets, including the US – although below 2021 levels, Spain as the most likely largest European market in 2022 or in Brazil, the South American wind power leader.
“As world leaders gather at the COP in Egypt to discuss ever more effective ways to tackle climate change through international agreements, the world’s wind energy sector continues to deliver its own practical solution. Furthermore, if governments continue to improve the legal frameworks for the deployment and operation of wind power, the growth of wind power can be accelerated to an even faster rate.”
“It must be emphasized that the encouraging increased growth rates observed in the middle of the year 2022 are not yet a result of the response to the Russian war against Ukraine, and the corresponding problems with fossil energy supply and prices. As many governments have now started to implement new policies to accelerate the deployment of wind power, we expect additional momentum from next year.” We use it to give you the best experience. If you continue to use our website, we will assume that you are happy to receive all cookies on this website.
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WATCONNECT® L/XL Control Panels: An example of a systems approach at work to solve electrification challenges at scale In a previous entry I show that the growth of wind power in the UK and Germany was very similar, except for the lag of approx. 6-7 years, which emerged before 2001. Why did this delay occur? Science of the mid-2000s is shedding light on this issue, providing several fascinating and largely forgotten insights while also highlighting avoidable mistakes in studies of energy transitions.
The mid-2000s saw an explosion of international studies on renewable electricity uptake. One reason was the notable growth in wind power in Germany, Denmark, Spain, the Netherlands and some other European countries and the US states. At the same time, the EU issued its first renewable energy directive (2001) amid growing hopes that renewable energy will help solve energy security, environmental and even economic problems. In this context, social scientists aimed to advise policy makers on the best ways to rapidly expand the use of wind power.
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A central assumption of these studies was that nations are interested in wind power to reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels, reduce environmental pollution, and create jobs and create export industries. Given this natural motivation, the scholars explained the fact that some countries succeeded while others failed to expand wind power through their choice of policies. The ‘right’ policy led to success and ‘wrong’ – to failure.
Germany and the United Kingdom have often been compared to prove this point. In the early 1990s, both countries committed to developing wind power (although the UK through setting specific targets and Germany mainly through policy rhetoric). Yet in 2003 Germany produced 15 times more wind power than the UK (10 times more relative to the size of its electricity supply). In addition, Germany produced wind power at a lower cost and had around 20 times more jobs in the renewables sector than the UK.
Many scholars have argued that this difference was mainly due to the choice of policy instruments. To promote wind power, Germany used FIT (feed-in-tariff), a scheme whereby wind power is purchased at a guaranteed price. The UK used another instrument called RPOs (Renewable Portfolio Obligations), under which electricity producers were obliged to generate either a certain proportion of their electricity from renewable sources or Renewable Obligation Certificates (also known as ‘
‘) of producers who had larger shares of renewable energy. Many scholars have argued that FIT provided more certainty to investors than RPOs, leading to greater expansion of wind power in Germany. Scholars, policy experts and even the German government have encouraged other countries to introduce FITs.
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Now we know that this argument was only partially true. The figure below shows the ratio of wind production in Germany (in relative terms) compared to that in the UK over 25 years between 1989 and 2016. It is easy to see that this ratio has steadily increased from around 3 in 1994 to around 10 in 2003 and then gradually fell to around 1.2 in 2016. It is remarkable that it was precisely at the time when Germany introduced its really strong FIT (EEG 2000) and the UK introduced its RPO (2002) that the UK has started to catch up with Germany. If policy choice had any impact, it was the opposite of what scholars have argued: RPOs accelerated wind deployment, not slowed it. Moreover, experience from many other countries (as diverse as Sweden and the USA) has by now convincingly shown that ‘green certificates’ can be just as effective as FITs. The scholars in the 2000s were correct that investor confidence was important, but made a mistake in assuming that such confidence could only be ensured by FITs.
The figure shows the ratio of wind power shares in electricity production in Germany and the UK in 1989-2016 (i.e. how much more wind energy was produced in Germany than measured in percentages of electricity production). Data from IEA Energy Balances. Data processing by V.Vinichenko.
The gap between British and German wind development in the 1990s is still there to explain. Between 1993-2003, wind share in the UK increased only 6 times, while in Germany it increased 28 times. During that time, the UK used something called NFFOs (non-fossil fuel obligations), a tendering mechanism whereby non-fossil fuel developers bid for a price of electricity against which they were willing to produce. Essentially, it was an auction-based FIT, an advanced mechanism (also used in Germany after 2014), which combined certainty of FIT with efficiency of competitive auction. One could argue that NFFOs were premature to stimulate wind development in the 1990s when the cost of wind electricity production was highly uncertain. Many successful bidders did not implement their projects because the costs were too high compared to what they expected in their tenders. In fact, if all successful NFFOs bidders had implemented their projects, the relationship between the UK and Germany’s wind deployment would have hardly changed in the 1990s. In other words, it was the real costs that put off investors in the UK rather than the ‘wrong’ policies.
A related reason may be that in Germany mechanisms other than FIT lowered costs and increased investor confidence in the 1990s. The 1990 FIT (StrG) linked the compensation of independent electricity producers to the retail price of electricity, which hardly assured investors of stability. It was designed to support small hydropower rather than wind and was commonly called ‘lukewarm’. However, Germany has had a number of other mechanisms to support wind power, particularly domestic manufacturing, ranging from low-interest loans to investment grants. One of the main reasons for all these measures was an attempt to ensure competitive
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